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Jun 20

 I’ve previously posted some of my correspondence with it Tim Sherratt, CPJ trustee and a professor in political studies at Gordon College — here — but one of the questions he raised in our subsequent correspondence has me thinking so much that I am posting a more extended extract of our correspondence here, for your consideration. I asked three questions (which appear in bold below), to which Tim responded thoughtfully and at some length.  Tim’s question that raised my eyebrows is this: “How, in communicating the work of CPJ, should the Center stress the trans-political?”

1. What do American evangelicals need most, today, to help us discern our political responsibilities?

a. Oddly enough, I sense that evangelicals need many of the things that mainstream liberals need. Both (and of course there is overlap) need re-connections to everything outside the self. As I understand contemporary liberalism (whether post-modern like the social culture or Enlightenment like the Constitution and hence the political culture), the liberal emphasis on rights and autonomy has typically been adversarial towards threats to those rights and that autonomy. Ironically, the baby of rich and dignified human living gets thrown out with the bathwater of actual, historical oppression in this scenario, because liberals don’t have a discerning language capable of overcoming their instinct for ferreting out oppression in this custom or that law. Today’s agreement sows the seeds for tomorrow’s oppression because today’s reasoned agreement will be tomorrow’s arbitrary imposition, to which I did not consent.

b. Evangelicals are more individualistic than they realize with debts to the above greater than they appreciate. The “given-ness” of human life is all around them and they respect it in their worship, but they are more likely to use a “thin” form of discourse to try to describe it.

c. But I have no ready prescriptions to cure this tendency. It would seem that the basic ingredients for a prescription include the biblical basics (Repent of sin, acknowledge Christ as Lord); and then the implications of that repentance. A rough summary might include: acknowledge finiteness (Man is but dust, etc.); acknowledge sociability; acknowledge need of the earth, etc., that God has made and on which I partly depend. Re-think career—at least accept that following Christ, however one does that, is the heart of one’s vocation.

d. And we have still not arrived at political responsibilities, but these pre- or accompanying conditions appear necessary to fleshing out civic responsibility. Because they equip us to see the cultural mandate in three dimensions (whether or not that term is used) as practical, stewardly, and spiritual. And if this is grasped, then the stewardly task of government goes with it.

e. An evangelical weakness I’ve noticed is found in some who do think there are civic responsibilities for Christians, but who have not recognized the non-negotiability of governments caring, defending, acting justly, being stewardly. Typically (I think) evangelicalism does not prepare one well for seeing these objective responsibilities of government. A lot of evangelicals have failed to give any thought to what government must do because it is government (ordained by God, part of the normative architecture of creation, etc.).

2. What exactly is the something unique that CPJ is bringing to policy discussions, and how can we continue to nurture that uniqueness?

a. As I have implied above, CPJ is an effective antidote to what ails evangelicals re civic responsibility because the Kuyper tradition, in confronting an early and confident liberalism took on many of the issues noted above—the individualism, the tendency to treat government as tabula rasa to be written on by the legitimating forces of majority rule and individual rights, etc. And of course, in presenting Christian public responsibility, the tradition and thus CPJ employs the kinds of terms and relationships I describe above. So far, so good.

b. But CPJ is hardly hip to 20-somethings. Nurturing the uniqueness will have a lot to do with communicating in the media of a younger generation, conveying the radical nature of what Kuyper proposed in the 19th for application in the 21st century, and, I suspect, making more of a community of believers out of CPJ. I find discernment here quite difficult but I am regularly surprised to find my own way of life—marriage, family, and our relationships therein—described as rare, and in some way valuable as if about to be lost. Anecdotal evidence from friends, acquaintances and students, accompanied by other evidence out there, prompts me to wonder whether the church will have to take on a rather tougher witness in the coming decades than has been the case, be it in relation to personal relationships and living well, or stewardship and care, or to challenging a mendacious culture that uses the law to punish words and connections that the culture doesn’t like (what does and doesn’t get into conversations about homosexuality, for example), irrespective of their objectivity. That’s long-winded, but the punch line is that CPJ has furnished for me much of the means to enlarge and defend a biblical perspective and way of living it out. But do the evangelical 20-somethings know (a) that they need something like this, and (b) that it’s available?

c. Hmm. How political, or not, is this? At what cost will the breadth and depth of the worldview animating CPJ’s political perspective and work be communicated? I mean that a Christian political perspective is only faithful if trans-political, because it recognizes (in the way that sphere sovereignty points to the same thing) the stewardly task of government and of citizens. Sphere sovereignty registered in a new way for me when I read Kuyper’s purpose (in “The Anti-Revolutionary Program,” in Skillen and McCarthy, Political Order and the Plural Structure of Society) as making every human task—government, business, parenting—effective not for its own sake, and as it were, separated from other tasks, but effective as a form of obedience to God. How, in communicating the work of CPJ, should the Center stress the trans-political? Will it help the political task of the Center to lay out for new members or potential members a strong emphasis on sphere sovereignty that will nurture relationships, marriage and family and how to think about those, for example? Should CPJ’s materials and staff time be spread to a broader cultural menu of concerns than has been our wont? I can see that this could be a powerful draw for younger Christians but it could also result in a dilution of the Center’s mission. So, that’s a key issue and question for #3 below, too.

3. What questions should I (Gideon) be asking as I seek to learn how to be part of the work of the Center?

a. High on the list, but up there in your skillset, I believe, is cross-generational communication. The older CPJ helped develop and act on the Reformed worldview that is reflected in the Center’s work and materials. But those were developed with certain assumptions in place, which over time may have been called into question. CPJ emerged in the period between the Great Society and the Republican Revolution, critical of both but appropriately feeding off the differences between its Christian democratic vision and these policy offspring of the liberal tradition. Policy was at a different place, etc. Thus the older generation wanted certain points made, stands taken. Yet sphere sovereignty is remarkably flexible in its application to a host of different circumstances. We mustn’t communicate a merely conservative (in the sense of simply repeating old positions taken for reasons that have now no traction in contemporary politics).

b. Ask CPJ members (old and young) how adversary CPJ needs to be. Distinguishing a Christian-democratic perspective can be done as if there were no common ground and the aim was instead to contest every inch of intellectual/political territory. I think CPJ has taken on the culture in this fashion now and then, or taken on other believers that way. What does/may faithful strategy for Christian pluralists look like?

c. Ask what services members or potential members would like CPJ to provide. Do they want us to come to their churches (Speakers’ Bureau, e.g.) or provide materials via the website or respond to questions or point them to resources, or something else? You can never ask too many of that sort of question.

Jun 11

One of the questions I am asking is about the unique contribution of the Center for Public Justice. Five things are crystalizing out of the responses I am receiving from people as I ask this question.

1. Worldview

As one of my correspondents writes, “CPJ brings biblical wisdom to bear on difficult and complex issues of policy.” Perhaps most frequently, people mention the particular vision, framework, or perspective in terms of which CPJ approaches political responsibility. The way in which the biblical story frames and informs the work of the Center is key to this aspect of our uniqueness. The two words that capture this distinctiveness most simply: common grace. A further extension of this element of distinctiveness on the part of of the Center is what one of my correspondents calls our “Augustinian memory” — the way in which the Center emphasizes that to be evangelical is to be catholic, and that contemporary evangelical political engagement — to be biblically faithful — must attend to the long legacy of Christian social thought from the earliest centuries to our time. One reason why my correspondents value this distinctive is the way in which it allows the CPJ constituency to keep the larger strategic picture in view, to approach politics in a holistic way, rather than having one’s political vision reduced to only a single issue. As another correspondent writes, “[CPJ] is rooted in a tradition that recognizes that thinking christianly about the political process is more than just alerting citizens to a small number of moral issues which, when addressed and reselved (if that were possible), would allow Christians to put aside concern for politics until the next moral issue comes up.”

2. Social architecture

The particular area in which this broader vision makes the most difference with regard to political responsibility, according to my correspondents, is in terms of our understanding of the social architecture, to use a phrase of which my friends at Cardus are fond. CPJ has always emphasized that (1) we should make political room for the diverse religious communities in America to live out of their deepest commitments and convictions with authenticity and mutual respect, and (2) we should make room for the different kinds of human relationships to flourish. Doing justice to religious commitments and respecting sphere sovereignty — that is what CPJ has emphasized throughout its existence. One of my correspondents writes: “The Center is uniquely equipped to approach the political process in such away as to cut through the distorting influences of liberal individualism and the various forms of collectivism that have done so much to mar the nation’s landscape.”

3. Acting in community

CPJ provides a community, a network, a set of connections, which encourages and enables people in its constituency to take political action out of common convictions and with mutual encouragement and support.

4. Trans-partisanship

While CPJ has always argued that political parties are a very important way in which people organize themselves for political service, CPJ has not ever been identified with one or the other of the big American parties. CPJ is one of the few Christian political organizations to have encouraged evangelicals to be either Republicans or Democrats, or to seek some other partisan affiliation, rather than itself permanently siding with one of the big parties. In addition to CPJ not being partisan in this organizational sense, it has also at its best been impossible to place somewhere on the liberal-conservative spectrum of American politics. Some of my correspondents see the value of the transpartisan, ideologically ideosyncratic character of CPJ as being its inclusiveness. Others see its value as being the capacity to be an equal opportunity gadfly. And some see this element of distinctiveness as a fatal shortcoming — preventing CPJ from being taken seriously in a partisan town like Washington DC.

5. Humility

To my surprise, several of my correspondents emphasized the uniqueness of CPJ’s humility — not only as that finds expression in the civility with which CPJ engages in political dialogue, but also in a more foundational sense. CPJ understands, writes my correspondents, that any policy proposal, political platform, or even social philosophy, is contingent and relative, over and against the grand cosmic story told in the Bible. What we humans do, politically, in the context of what God is doing, eschatologically, is small and provisional. As it is written in Isaiah 26, “we have accomplished no deliverance in the earth.” Instead, “O LORD, you will ordain peace for us, for you have indeed done for us all our works.”

What do you think is the unique contribution of the Center?